People's Liberation Party-Front of Turkey
People's Revolutionary Vanguardes
The Artificial Equilibrium
OVER THE "EQUILIBRIUM "
In order to understand the social relations and contradictions and to develop the necessary combat forms, we must examine the internal dynamics of the social movement and their internal contradictions.
Comrade İLKER AKMAN [1] treated the AVAILABLE SITUATION AND OUR REVOLUTIONARY TACTICS "these important questions, which determine our combat forms like no other theory in his factory ".
In order to show the originality of these philosophical, economic and political theses exactly, we want to quote from the factory mentioned directly:
"We must get straight first that the term equilibrium is anti-Marxist a mechanical term and, because it expresses the deadlock. The absolute of the movement forms both in nature, and in the society the Basic Law of dialectic. The movement forms the core of dialectic and marxism. The target in the marxism is it to understand and understand the social movement, which contradictions this movement printouts. But into certain epochs of the social movement the contradictions and their contrasts, while they are in mutual motion, come into a certain harmony; we can call these statuses 'equilibria'. The fact that in a society 'equilibrium' prevails does not mean that the social dynamics and movement disappeared. Such a statement would be the denial marxism. Whether in nature or in the society, no equilibrium is absolute, all the same which type it is, it is the printout of an imbalance. Because each equilibrium expresses that shapes of an arranged movement.
Here are sufficient a few quotations of F.Engels, in order to bring clarity into this topic:
"The equilibrium (is) inseparably of the movement. In the motion of the weltkoerper movement in the equilibrium and equilibrium in the motion are (relative). But all particularly relative movement, i.e. here all single movement of individual bodies, is props after production of the relative peace of the bodies, the possibility of temporary equilibria is substantial condition of the differentiation of the subject and thus the life." (F.Engels: Dialectic of nature, MEW Bd.20, S.511-512)
This analysis of angel when its investigation the dialectic of nature applies here in the context of its general law also to the social movements. The society consists of classes, and each class of the society is in a movement motion within production conditions, which are determined by production. The movement of each class in the society is connected with the other movements and is anxious to manufacture an equilibrium. The movement of each social class forms the general movement dynamics of this society in the alive organism of the society. The contradictions between the classes determine the general Beweggunsgesetz of the society.
"The individual movement strives the equilibrium too, the mass of the movement removes the individual equilibrium again." (F. Engels, a.a.O.)
The relative movement of the classes in the society forms equilibria, which correspond to the level of development of production. But the general dynamics of the social movement destroy these equilibria and the society move permanently in the direction of the new equilibria. The equilibria developing thereby are called "Friedens" epochen or evolution epochs.
In the evolution of the societies social equilibria are available, dh. Times, in which the contradictions and movements of the classes with the general movement line of the society harmonieren. At these times the lift of the class, which is the locomotive of the general movement (it is determined by the productive forces) of the society, is controlling in relation to the reactions (reactions against the propelling class) of the other classes. In a society, where equilibria were manufactured, the fundamental determining, which manufactures the equilibrium, is the harmony between the general movement of the society (which we can call also movement of the economic evolution of the society) and the movement of the dominant class of this society. In contrary situations it would be more correct, about social instability to talk instead of of social equilibrium. In this sense it would not be false to call such situations 'artificial equilibrium'. If we talk about the presence of the artificial equilibrium in a society, then we express exactly that in this society over the fundamental contradiction between the general movement and the movement also a status leading to the antagonism prevails to the dominant class. It may not be forgotten the fact that "all equilibrium only relative and temporary" is. (F.Engels, a.a.O.)"
THE POLITICAL FORCE THE OLIGARCHY AND THE IMPERIALISM
After comrade İLKER AKMAN in its factory treats "the artificial equilibrium" the Formulation 'equilibrium' philosophically, he manufactures the dialectic relationship between this term and the political force'. Already comrade MAHİR ÇAYAN wrote the following: " the reactions of the people, particularly those of the broad working masses are passivated and between these reactions and the oligarchy an artificial equilibrium were manufactured."
İLKER AKMAN states that the item, which creates the equilibrium, which is political force.
"i.e.. it is the political force of the oligarchy, which the reactions of the masses passivated and which 'equilibrium' created, which enables the continuation of available production conditions... Angel explains the relationship between the political force and the economic situation as follows:
"First of all all political force is based to the managers of the common-social functions originally on an economic, social function and increases in the measure, how by dissolution the original community into private producers transforms the society members, thus to be still more alienated. Secondly, after the political force verselbstaendigt itself in relation to the society, from the maid into the lady, it transformed in can act two different direction. Either it acts in the sense and in the direction of the according-to-law economic development. In this case exists no controversy between both, which economic development accelerated. Or however it works against it, and then it, with few exceptions, succumbs to the economic development regularly." (F.Engels: Anti-Duhring, MEW Bd.20, page 169-170)
Generally underdevelops countries held and in the special one the society of our country finds its equilibrium by the political force. It is not the 'subjective' intention of the oligarchy, which the political force in our society produces, but the contradiction between imperialistic-capitalistic production conditions and the productive forces of our country. Of the oligarchy taken over political force is one it by production conditions 'forced upon' force." [2]
The status of the economic evolution achieved world-wide is the imperialism. This level is in contradiction with the historical course of the economic development (evolution), it carries its own contradiction in itself. Historically regarded, the economic evolution aims at world-wide socialism. That means it that the imperialism is the eve of socialism. The economic evolution appropriate evolution of the political force in our epoch and the function, which took over it in relation to the economic status, determine the history of the transition of capitalism to socialism.
In each class company political force exists. This 'force' has a function and by the productive forces in the framework them appropriate production conditions during its development into the hands of that class is given, by which it is controlled. It has the function to smooth the way to the development of the productive forces. Both the old level of development of the productive forces of appropriate old production conditions, and the classes of the 'old rulers' over the productive forces can prevent the development of the productive forces.
In such situations the political force fulfills its function, which corresponds to the economic evolution and smooths for it the way. In this way the economic status takes the political force, which is created by its conditions, into its services and society light it. The political force of the Bourgeoisie in the development phase of capitalism was such a force. The political force applied against Feudalherren fulfilled its historical function, was justified, corresponded to the course of history and smoothed the way of the economic evolution.
In these phases of the economic evolution is the society in equilibrium. Which creates the social equilibrium, is the circumstance that the prominent class of the economic evolution takes the other classes of the society politically in the dragging rope that the political force of this course of the society does not separate and corresponds to the economic evolution, by fulfilling its function against the class, which wants to hold back the society.[3]
The society finds its equilibrium in the measure, into as far the class their historical role assigned by the economic evolution as locomotive takes over. As long as the prominent class of the economic development represents a contrast to the economic evolution (seen historical) and in the measure, like the political force from the society is solved (in this situation the political force unconditionally contradicts the economic evolution), is not this society "not in equilibrium ".
If in a society the political force is solve from the economic evolution and as a check of the economic situation arranges itself and this society continues to exist in this way, then the equilibrium of this society is a "artificial equilibrium ".
We had said that the level of the economic evolution achieved world-wide is the imperialism. Now we want to examine the status of the political force and the social equilibria on this level of the economic evolution.
The determining characteristic of the imperialistic epoch is: Production conditions developed in accordance with the level of the productive forces contradict antagonistic the productive forces. This situation is again-reflected in the Klassenschematik in such a way that the Bourgeoisie cannot be any more the locomotive of history; in the opposite, this class produced, it (i.e. the proletariat) has the character of the prominent class. The economic evolution achieved such a level that it must make their productive forces available of another class, i.e. the proletariat, in order to be able to develop. That is a new political situation, a different system, which is called socialism.
In the imperialistic epoch must production conditions, which are the products of the productive forces, which suppress productive forces, in order to continue their existence. The political force, which had a function once in the hand of the Bourgeoisie, takes over this mark the function that it, likewise in the hand of the Bourgeoisie, which for the obstacle of production conditions become maintains now and further developed, instead of adjusting it again in accordance with the productive forces. I.e. it (the political force) becomes other in relation to the society. Reason this basic contradiction is that the Bourgeoisie, which to the farmhand of production conditions developed, now reserved strength, the ballast becomes instead of advancing, prominent locomotive to be. While available production conditions, which form the basis of existence of the Bourgeoisie, which force political force in the hand of the Bourgeoisie to turn back the wheel of history they bring a new political force in the society into being. This political force is the revolutionary force of the proletariats.
Production conditions established by the imperialism (monopolies, banks, stock exchanges, automation and cybernetics among other things.) if the Bourgeoisie binds, they make for still parasitic. But production conditions of these Monopolbourgeoisie are troubles for it, both in the economic life and with what they offer to the society. These production conditions always bring it into ever more difficult situations. With inflation, unemployment and production anarchy they produce fears of death for the Monopolbourgeoisie. Their efforts are however in vain. It succumbs to available production conditions and occurs its services, even if it tries, which economic structure to arrange to reduce (i.e. the contradictions). And with the time it must clasp itself ever more to the political force, as production conditions require it. If the political force begins to bring the economic situation under its "check" then this is done not with the subjective will of the Monopolbourgeoisie, but via the force of production conditions. By the obligation of production conditions the political force becomes other to the society. [4]
Marx writes in addition the following:
"In the social production of their life humans of certain necessary conditions independent of their will die, production conditions, which correspond to a certain entwicklungsstufe of their material productive forces. The whole of these production conditions forms the economic structure of the society, which real base, on which legally and more politically cover yourself raises, and which determined, social consciousness forms corresponds." (K.Marx F.Engels, selected writings I s.335-336, od. MEW, Bd.13, S-8-9)
The political force of the imperialistic epoch is with the economic evolution in conflict and is condemned to lose against it.
Which shape the political force of the imperialistic epoch in each society annimt, it is qualitatively always alike. The shape differences develop in accordance with the status of the specific economic evolution of each country. The reason, why they are qualitatively alike, is that they developed for same imperialistic production conditions from necessity.
The political force, which controlled country in everyone of the imperialism are qualitatively alike, is placed again by the same production conditions into its services and gets its strength of them. Because production conditions placed the political force into their services, the economic "forces" transform with the time ever more into "military" dimensions, where the "force" is concretized. The militarization of the imperialistic economics is an obligation of production conditions and by the necessity for the continuation of the political force is caused. The political force is concretized on the military goods. In addition angel:
"The force, which is nowadays the army and the war fleet and two cost, like we all to our damage know, 'heath-moderately much cash'. (F.Engels: Anti-Duhring MEW Bd.20, S.154)
Nowadays means the political force military equipment, combat aircraft, rockets, tanks. The world-wide growth and spreading level of production conditions expand the militarization, in which the political force is concretized. It became almost a target.
Particularly, where the economic 'forces' are no longer sufficient for the continuation of production conditions, the military 'forces' become tools for the existence of these production conditions.
I.e. today imperialislischen production conditions in the countries backwardly held must find the condition of their existence in the political force, which is concretized as a military.
In the societies, which are within the imperialistic system and track links of the imperialism, the social equilibrium is formed according to the level of development of the productive forces of this society. The social equilibrium in the metropolises and in the countries backwardly held are not the same. The difference turns out in accordance with the level of development of the productive forces and afterwards, how the dominant class takes the other classes according to the level of the productive forces politically in the dragging rope. While production conditions use their 'forces' in the metropolises, in order to take the other classes in the dragging rope, is for underdevelops countries held not possibly. The level of development of the productive forces in these countries does not permit that. In the opposite, it intensifies the contradiction between production conditions and the productive forces "[5]
Notes
[1] One the prominent avant-garde of the THKP C/HDÖ it is to 26.1.1976, together with two further cadres, HASAN BASRÝ TEMÝZALP and YUSUF ZÝYA GUENEŞ, in which please east Turkey (in Beylerderesi) in the fight against the government authority.
[2] From it it cannot be concluded that the gorillas and their helpers at the development are subjectively 'innocent'. In the opposite, they are the people enemies of this society.
[3] That equilibrium social in the development phase of capitalism (before-monopolyistic time) prevailed, meant not that there were no class warfares and the proletarian class of the Bourgeoisie in the dragging rope were taken. Their class movements resume the socialist forces growing in the lap of capitalism, in order to manufacture a new geselschaftliches equilibrium. But the level of development of material production and its development under the mission of the Bourgeoisie do not permit that the objective conditions are created for the production of a new social equilibrium. Those Paris municipality of 1871 was a revolutionary momentum of the working class, in order to create a new society, to which however failed, because the objective conditions this not permitted. Thus that the objective conditions the creation of a new social equilibrium do not sen zulas is caused, the material conditions for the expansion of the uetopischen and revisionistic lines in the motion of the working class
[4] It must be concluded that each humanistische appeal is useless to the Monopolbourgeoisie to the force-exercising i.e.. Even if the political force is not the product of the subjective will of the Monopolbourgeoisie, the Monopolbourgeoisie is the Traegerin of these production conditions or their political force. This political force is concretized in the hand of the Monopolbourgeoisie. That is the reason, why the proletariat must attack the political force of the Monopolbourgeoisie by its revolutionary force.
[5] Over the artificial equilibrium in the metropolises and the role of the political force we will express ourselves in another publication.
